On July 16

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On July 16, 1964, Sen. Barry Goldwater from Arizona went to the Cow Palace platform in San Francisco to admit the Republican presidential election. Many conservatives in the audience waited for a speech of reconciliation, which guaranteed the party’s solidarity. Anyway, Goldwater gave them something else. “I remember,” He whispered, “that the fanaticism of the Opposition Freedom is not a bad habit. In addition, liberal republicans control the quest for capital is not ideal.
Others are astonished. The meeting that had so long control fell under the control of radical political observers were shocked after hearing the speech, the rapporteur expressed disappointment. “My God, he will continue to work as Barry Goldwater.”
During the 1950s and 1960s, the traditionalists were widely rejected as “Canteen jobs” and “Canteen jobs” without any desire to conquer political power. In 1950, he was an abstract Lionel Trilling detective by scientists and writers when he wrote that “in the United States, progressiveism in the present is not only dominant but the only academic tradition. It is true that there are traditional or reactionary ideas, of course, “although good” mental signals that seem to be to be taken after thinking. “Historian Richard Hofstadter repeated the evaluation of vibration, arguing that privilege was without real political and long-term development, but the current miracle, led by stupid and suspicious individuals who were furious about the progress achieved in the United States.
Mary Brennan is right in the 1960s and is the first of what is likely to be a long and critical point of investigation that suggests a US conservative continuation. (The last time they did a lot of law books, but they tend to suppress records with some knowledge sharing in parts lacking traditionalist development.) Brennan, Associate Professor of Education Education at the Southwest State University of Texas, points to a moderate Republican Party since 1960 until 1968. If we do this, it not only comes from our understanding of the rise of the law; It also provides a more precise and, at the end, a shorter picture and accuracy than we had before the turbulent decade of the century.
In 1960, however, it is decisive for moderate development. That year, Barry Goldwater shared the conscience of the conservative. Usually rejected in national media, the book is today one of the most important political paths in US history today. As an expert Robert Alan Goldberg presents a story about Barry Goldwater, in a new account consciously conservative, he has led several ways of preserving the cause. By expanding William Buckley’s pioneering work in the National Survey, Goldwater has skillfully adapted the contrasts of traditionalists and libertarians. Expanding the social state, he wrote, was a terrible and dangerous breakthrough that undermined this unique opportunity.
By recommending New Deal to radicalism as the first step towards totalitarianism, Goldwater argued that lawmakers should be expelled from most parts of American life. However, he was not a rigorous freeman. He turned to those who were right and wanted to take away the lost religious things. He argued that the state has a duty to maintain order and be cautious. ‘Government Affairs,’ wrote Goldwater, ‘is the art of achieving the ultimate degree of flexibility for people who are stable with the support of social welfare’.
Goldwater also joined various moderate groups focusing on the threats of Soviet socialism. He wrote:
Moreover, the terrible truth remains: we can create local conditions to increase flexibility, as I have shown, but then we become slaves. We can do it by losing the Cold War in the Soviet Union.
Goldwater discarded the regulatory techniques that led the remote access of EAs. UU From the late forties, and demanded a vigorous technique of freedom. Conservatives may differ in the right wing of the government in American life, though they will soon be reunited to break the “Soviet danger”.
Goldwater also dispersed the idea that moderators were a privileged counselor to increase their financial gains. “Conservatism,” he said, “is not a financial premise.” On the contrary, he “puts material things in the right place” and considers man as “the animal of the other world with profound needs and deep desires”. According to the conservative journal, Goldwater has given the traditional traditions sympathetic goals behind support strategies that are usually “associated with lower wishes to raise.”
Anyway, the best realization of Goldwater’s book and the purpose of his incredible achievement in law might be that the traditionalists, unannounced, have given a plan to interpret their thoughts about the activity. Policy. In his presentation, Goldwater rejected conservatism as “outdated”.
The bill is stupid and should be said intensively. The laws of God and Nature have no date. The norms on which a conservative political position is based. They are derived from the idea of man and the facts God has revealed about his creation. Conditions change, as well as problems arising from circumstances. In any case, rules that control the layout of the problem do not. To assume that conservative thinking is obsolete almost means that the golden rule, or the Ten Commandments, or Aristotle’s policy is outdated.
Relying on the rights of the state, reducing the estimates, considering social security, and strengthening the military, Goldwater emphasized positively in his logic and illustrated the “pragmatic relevance of conservative norms for today’s demands.”
If young Americans were separated for freedom and various local associations, the effect would be impotent. In any case, in 1961, political extremists, F. Clifton White, resolved to develop the appointment of the conservative president. During a nationwide visit, White has called moderators to take responsibility for their nearby rally clubs and traditional agents to choose a national tradition.
The White Party’s development gave the conservative control of the Republican Party and led Trump to the president and remained the largest political force in American life.


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